By
Ray Blehar
The vote in favor of the settlement resolution was 18-6.
The 18 who voted for the resolution didn't provide any reason for their support. The six who opposed all did and it was trustee Anthony Lubrano's statement that struck at the most likely reason PSU has decided to settle the pending lawsuits.
“Unfortunately, Penn State continues to pay almost three years later, and today we look to pay again. But I say no more. No more resolutions to approve settlements while denying trustees access to the materials used to prepare the Freeh Report; no more feeding at the trough of Penn State."
According to two independent sources, Penn State (in 2013) provided settlements to all claimants who would accept below the $2 million per instance or $3 million aggregate limits, as provided by the University's liability insurance. 26 of 32 claimants were awarded settlements. Of the six claimants that were denied, three had requested more compensation than the the limit. The University stated that the three other claims that were denied lacked merit. However, it is more likely those claims were denied because the abuse fell in the period during which Sandusky was under investigation by the Attorney General (e.g., D.F. lawsuit).
Victims 6 and 9 were among the three claimants whose attorneys were not satisfied with accepting the "chump change" the University was offering. Their attorneys pressed on with civil litigation and, as a result, were granted access to the documents used as source material by Freeh, as well as other information which could prove harmful the trustees who control the power base.
Victim 9's lawsuit resulted in access to all 3.5 million documents used as source materials in the Freeh Report. While PSU appealed the ruling to the Superior Court, the schedule called for the turnover of all documents by May 4, 2015, which was eventually extended to 29 May. The pressure was on "silent majority" to make something happen to keep that information under wraps.
What Records Are Being Withheld and Why?
Some might recall that in the early stages of the investigation, Freeh vowed to investigate activities dating back to the mid-seventies. However, according to documents obtained from Old Main, Freeh requested every "record ever created back to '69." 1969 was the year Sandusky was hired as a full-time assistant football coach. Information from 1998 forward was used in the report, thus simple math reveals 29 years worth of information was excluded.Note that Freeh's charter was to investigate and report on the causes for all of the allegations that were published in the Sandusky grand jury presentment. He failed to do so by excluding the incidents involving Victims 7 and 10, which predated 1998. The reason for the omissions was obvious -- there was no evidence linking those crimes to Paterno or other PSU officials.
In addition, the criminal proceedings in the Curley, Schultz, and Spanier case established that Freeh excluded a number of emails and documents from his report that would have shed light on the failures of the Pennsylvania Department of Public Welfare (DPW) and Centre County Children and Youth Services (CYS) during the 1998 investigation. Among omitted documents were a handwritten note by Schultz that reported DPW had received the report from Dr. Alycia Chambers (denied by DPW's Jerry Lauro) and an email revealing CYS remained involved in the case until late May. The Freeh Report stated CYS recused itself from the case in early May, citing a conflict of interest with The Second Mile.
A full document dump could also result in exposure of the full, unadulterated, "critical" emails that were used by Freeh and the Attorney General as evidence against the PSU Three. Questions have been raised regarding the provenance on those documents because at least six different dates were provided for when they were turned over to the state police and/or Attorney Generals office. The testimony of the Attorney General's forensics expert regarding anomalies in the emails was less than convincing. If it is shown the "critical" emails were subjected to tampering, the narrative of a PSU cover-up scandal would be over (and replaced by the big question of who was behind the tampering).
FYI: the top candidates would be Cynthia Baldwin and Louis Freeh. Former officials from the PA Attorney General's office would be co-conspirators.
Other Information
While Victim 6's lawsuit did not yield access to all the Freeh documents, however it has resulted in obtaining a lot of other important evidence. The court ordered Penn State to provide, among other things, the names of people who talked to Freeh investigators about any Sandusky shower incidents with boys from 1990 to 1998, complaints of sexual misconduct against any employee at the University Park campus from 1990 to 1998, and documents between Penn State and the NCAA from the time Sandusky was indicted to the issuing of the sanctions.
The documents between Penn State and the NCAA are likely among the information Penn State wants most to hide. While the Corman v. NCAA lawsuit provided many emails between the two entities, Senator Corman stopped short of releasing all the documents obtained through discovery. Those documents would likely provide more evidence confirming that Ken Frazier and Ron Tomalis had instrumental roles in authoring the Freeh Report and additional evidence confirming that the University and the NCAA had an agreement from the outset to use the Sandusky scandal to penalize PSU football and Paterno. No doubt, those revelations would send a shock wave across the country and lead to the end of the professional careers of Freeh, Emmert, and others who were involved in the deception.
As shown above, the information that might be revealed through discovery would be ruinous to Rod Erickson, Cynthia Baldwin, members of the PSU BOT inner circle, Mark Emmert, Louis Freeh, and Frank Fina. All of those people took part in scapegoating PSU officials and/or Paterno for Sandusky's crimes.
Penn State could easily defend against the lawsuits by publicly rejecting the Freeh Report and then going into litigation with the evidence that undermines Freeh's findings. Meanwhile, the plaintiffs would be in receipt of the evidence that disproves their cases -- and be left with nothing.
When you get down to it, the Silent 18 voted to pay a large sum of money to settle cases the University would win.
As shown above, the information that might be revealed through discovery would be ruinous to Rod Erickson, Cynthia Baldwin, members of the PSU BOT inner circle, Mark Emmert, Louis Freeh, and Frank Fina. All of those people took part in scapegoating PSU officials and/or Paterno for Sandusky's crimes.
Conclusion
In the cases of Victim 6 and Victim 9, the information being sought would most likely blow up the credibility of the Freeh Report. Ironically, both of their lawsuits borrow heavily from the Freeh Report to make their claims that PSU was culpable for the crimes committed by Sandusky.Penn State could easily defend against the lawsuits by publicly rejecting the Freeh Report and then going into litigation with the evidence that undermines Freeh's findings. Meanwhile, the plaintiffs would be in receipt of the evidence that disproves their cases -- and be left with nothing.
When you get down to it, the Silent 18 voted to pay a large sum of money to settle cases the University would win.