Showing posts with label Sassano. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sassano. Show all posts

Thursday, March 24

Corbett's Grand Jury Lie, Part 2

If Corbett's assertion that the AG needed a grand jury to prove a cover-up was true, then the outcome for the former one-term governor is even worse

By

Ray Blehar


For Corbett, if his statement was true
then he confessed to foot-dragging.

While the official facts in evidence refute former Pennsylvania Attorney General (AG) and former Governor Tom Corbett's statement about needing a grand jury to coerce testimony and prove a cover-up, the irony is that if his statement was true, it is an admission of not investigating a cover up and/or foot-dragging on the investigation for political reasons.


As noted here, the facts in evidence were that the AG's office didn't find another victim to corroborate Aaron Fisher allegations until January 2011. 


If there wasn't evidence of more than one victim --and that Fisher reported Sandusky to the authorities -- then there was no evidence that supported a cover-up.

But what if Corbett was telling the truth?  In this case, the truth is worse than a lie.

Under one of the "truth" scenarios, the AG's office may have had a hunch that the reason the other young men that were interviewed didn't disclose abuse was because some person or persons had provided them with some material incentive not to talk.  

While it is possible that victims may have been physically threatened,  the only known victim, Fisher, came forward without fear of physical harm in November 2008.   And, like the other eventual victims, Fisher received gifts from Sandusky, such as new clothes, computers, and sports equipment.   

In short, the most likely suspect in a cover-up scenario would have been none other than the perpetrator, Jerry Sandusky.  

The Jerry Sandusky Non-Investigation

According to the Moulton Report, there is no evidence that the investigation searched Sandusky's personal records to verify purchases or to check for cash (ATM) withdrawals -- his bank account and credit card records were not subpoenaed.  

Fisher also stated he attended sporting events, such as Eagles and Browns National Football League (NFL) games with Sandusky, sometimes in the company of other children.  

Here's where the story gets interesting. 


In late 2009, Dawn Daniels claimed that she was offered free Philadelphia Eagles box seat season tickets.  In the book, Silent No More (p. 117), Mike Gillum noted that a man named "John" from the Eagles, who knew that Aaron had attended games and had set the tickets aside for them. 

At the time of the alleged offer, Sandusky's adopted son, Jon, worked for the Eagles.  He would later get a job with the Browns.


The AG "investigated" the Eagles ticket allegation and took the word of the Eagles -- that the family misunderstood and were being asked to purchase tickets.  Right -- because the Eagles routinely phone housing projects in search of prospective season ticket purchasers.  


In the one instance where a possible cover-up/payoff scenario was alleged, it appeared to be investigated pro forma and dismissed.  The "John" - "Jon" connection wasn't made.

If Sandusky was the prime suspect, then the first information subpoenaed about him were his employment records -- requested on January 7, 2010. That was almost seven months into the investigation and employment records would not provide evidence  of a cover-up.  

In fact, in the inexplicable Sandusky investigation, the evidence apparently reveals that the AG didn't consider Sandusky could have been a suspect for covering up his own crimes! 

But don't expect Bumsted or the rest of the media to figure this stuff out.

News reporters, most without any knowledge of the case, might propose that Corbett and the AG suspected that officials at Central Mountain High School (CMHS) or from The Second Mile (TSM) were behind the alleged cover-up.

Under those scenarios, there is also a dearth of evidence of even a half-hearted cover-up investigation.


CMHS Non-Investigation

According to the Moulton Report, the only CMHS individual interviewed by the police -- prior to July 28, 2011 -- was assistant principal and head football coach, Steven Turchetta.   Again, Corbett said he needed the grand jury to coerce testimony.  

Who was being coerced?  Turchetta was a cooperating witness.

Certainly, there is no evidence on the record supporting a cover-up investigation of CMHS.

The Non-Investigation of The Second Mile

Geoffrey Moulton used the word "inexplicable" to explain the delays in getting warrants for Sandusky's home and making an arrest.   However, that same word applies to the Pennsylvania State Police's (PSP) failure to interview individuals and gather evidence from The Second Mile (TSM) as a means of identifying potential victims.

Moreover, if there was an organization that should have been suspected of covering up Sandusky's crimes, TSM should have been at the top of the list.  Sandusky was the organizations founder, face, and top fundraiser. 


As history shows, without Sandusky, TSM could not exist.  

Even if the PSP didn't understand the financial incentive for a TSM cover-up, they had plenty of leads that should have caused them to visit the charity early in the investigation.   The first seven people interviewed by the PSP all mentioned Sandusky's association with TSM and his work in mentoring young men.  


The PSP continued to investigate the case when it was ensconced  in the grand jury.  

In August 2009, F.A., a former CMHS student, testified to the grand jury about being a TSM participant and being in the car with Fisher and Sandusky.   Following F.A.'s testimony, Agent Anthony Sassano drafted a list of investigative steps that excluded contacting anyone associated with the charity.  In reading the email below, the incompetency of Sassano is evident -- and likely explains why he was assigned to the case.
















Even if Sassano was incompetent, he was being overseen by a seasoned prosecutor, Jonelle Eshbach, who had prosecuted many sexual abuse cases.  Eshbach should have been the "backstop" that made sure investigators didn't miss anything.

Instead, it appeared that Eshbach was equally avoiding investigating TSM, as this request for subpoena reveals the gymnastics that had to be undertaken to not request records from the charity, but justify a request to Penn State.




It is notable that Eshbach and the AG had "some suspicion" -- based on no evidence on the official record -- that PSU had knowledge of Sandusky's inappropriate behavior with children. 

More on that in a second.

In summary, the evidence shows that if Corbett and the AG suspected a cover-up, then it failed to investigate any of the most probable suspects until 2011.  Based on the official record of evidence, the Sandusky grand jury was not investigating a cover-up or coercing any witness testimony.

Suppressed Evidence Equals Electoral Foot-Dragging or Worse
Eshbach's subpoena request is among the earliest official records indicating the AG may have obtained information about the PSU incidents earlier than November 2010.

The unofficial record may help fill in the blanks.

Mike Gillum, in Silent No More (p. 120), stated that on June 16, 2009,  Eshbach and Trooper Scott Rossman "indicated there was some other evidence they weren't at liberty to share with me.  It was something that happened in 1998."

While the official record states the 1998 University Park police report was not obtained until January 3, 2011, Gillum's account reveals that the AG got its hands on the 1998 report much earlier -- in fact, it appears that they possessed it around the time of the grand jury began.

If that was really the case, then Corbett might have been telling the truth about using the grand jury to prove a cover-up.  Except there's a problem with the 1998 police report.

It doesn't provide evidence or suspicion of a cover-up by PSU.

In fact, it shows the opposite because PSU immediately reached out to the DA's office and Centre County CYS to assist with the 1998 investigation.

That leads to the highly probable scenario that if Corbett suspected a PSU cover-up, then he had knowledge of the 2001 incident when the grand jury was convened.

The fact that the anonymous email tip on the incident showed up the day after Corbett was elected governor provides additional evidence that he was sitting on that evidence until after the election.

In summary, the circumstantial evidence in the case indicates that foot-dragging on the Sandusky case was politically motivated.  It also indicates that the AG could have found victims and made Sandusky's arrest much sooner. 

But arresting Sandusky wasn't part of the original plan -- and that's really why the foot-dragging occurred.  

The Sandusky investigation was supposed to die a slow, secret death in the grand jury.

Next: Corbett's Grand Jury Lie, Part 3









Thursday, April 3

Part 3: What Corbett and Fina should fear about Kane's Sandusky probe

Corbett and Fina's foot-dragging led to continued abuse of Victim 9, but there was more misconduct than just delaying the arrest of Sandusky.

By
Ray Blehar

Governor Corbett
In Part 2 of this series, I revealed that the foot-dragging in the Sandusky case led to the continued victimization of Victim 9.  In addition, I stated that it was highly probable that there were other victims in Lock Haven and at Central Mountain High School (CMHS) that should have resulted in an immediate arrest of Sandusky.  I will touch on CMHS a bit more, then move on to other potential areas of misconduct, but first a word from Governor Tom Corbett.

According to Governor Tom Corbett, former OAG prosecutor Frank Fina should have nothing to fear about Kathleen Kane's investigation of the Sandusky investigation.  As Corbett pounded the podium at a July 2012 press conference, he exclaimed that he was tired of hearing about what took so long for the successful prosecution and a "monster was taken off the streets."  They had successfully convicted Sandusky on 45 of 48 counts.

As Governor Corbett should know, sometimes the result is undermined by how you got to it.  In math class, you had to show your work on how you got the answer and it appears that Corbett doesn't want ANYONE to "show the work" in the Sandusky case.

As it turns out -- there was quite a lot wrong with, not just the work, but even with the result.



40 vs. 400

Why was it that the OAG decided on a 40 counts in November 2011, rather than 400 counts?  

Back in January 2011, former State Police Corporal Joseph Leiter told the mother of Victim 6 that there was enough evidence for 400 counts and that they had less evidence in murder cases.  Unless Leiter was lying, there had to be more than two victims up until that point.  

According to information on the public record, there were allegedly just two victims in November 2010 -- Aaron Fisher and the unknown Victim 2.  The Victim 2 case was a single incident involving five counts.  Therefore, either Aaron Fisher's abuse could substantiate 395 counts on its own or there were more victims that we hadn't heard about.  

Smart money is on the latter.

 NBC's Rock Center featured an interview with another boy from Lock Haven who stated he was not abused, but was in contact with Sandusky from 1997-2003.  Using 1997 as a starting point, the math shows that Sandusky had been interacting with children in the Lock Haven area for about 11 years before Fisher reported him for abuse.  According to Fisher's trial testimony, troopers Cavanaugh and Akers told him in December 2008 that "he was not alone" and that there were other victims.  Similarly, trooper Scott Rossman also told Fisher about other victims (see Commonwealth v. Sandusky, 6-12-2012, page 77) in June of 2009.  

Sandusky became a volunteer assistant football coach at Central Mountain High School in the Fall of 2003, thus he had access to children not only through his work at Second Mile, but through coaching.   Based on a study by "Abel, et al, of 377 non-incarcerated, non-incest-related pedophiles...(the) average, homosexual pedophile had abused 150.2 children and committed 281.7 acts."
 From this information, the odds favor Sandusky abusing more than just one child (Fisher) at CMHS and far more children than the 17 that were listed by the OAG as accusers in the Sandusky case. 

As I noted in this blogpost, the fact that Sandusky dropped his appeal to DPW in February 2009 is yet another indicator that other victims had come forward.  It would seem rather easy for a pillar of the community like Sandusky to win an appeal against a single, unconvincing victim.  Sandusky's dropping his appeal would have come about because the police had found other victims.  If what I have written so far is true, then the OAG could have charged Sandusky almost immediately, publicized the arrest, and in so doing, put out a call for more victims to come forward.  

If we play out this scenario, and Corbett and the OAG bring 400 counts, it would have been a rather insurmountable case for Sandusky to fight and probably would have resulted in a plea deal. Why wouldn't Corbett and the OAG wanted to go this route?


Perhaps because they wanted a "circus" trial -- more on that later.

Friday, August 30

Tom Harmon: The Untold Story

Gary Schultz's not so "secret file" continues to unravel the false charges of a cover-up by PSU


By
Ray Blehar

As I mentioned previously, seasoned analysts sometimes detect missing information -- information that should be found, but is conspicuously missing - that leads to solving a case.

In this propaganda campaign by the Attorney General, omissions and false statements have been the norm from the release of the November 2011 Grand Jury Presentment to the most recent testimony at the preliminary hearing.

The AG's accusation of a PSU cover up to avoid bad publicity or preserve the Penn State brand is held together by a web of lies and omissions, a number of which involve PSU's former police Chief, Tom Harmon.

The questions not asked of Harmon (at the preliminary hearings), his apparent false statements, missing witnesses, altered evidence, and the absence of key evidence are all part and parcel of the propaganda campaign.  When you put the pieces together, circumstantial evidence points to Tom Harmon as the person who likely reported the 2001 incident to Centre County CYS and blows up the false narrative of a cover-up by the indicted PSU officials.

I suspect the most important lie, among the suspected lies told by Harmon, is that Schultz never told him about the 2001 incident.  When you look at the evidence, Harmon's contention that he was never told about the McQueary incident just doesn't hold water.

In short, Harmon - like Cynthia Baldwin - is a very likely a cog in the wheel of the Commonwealth's false narrative that deflects the blame from the state's child protection agencies and instead places it squarely on PSU. 


Harmon's Testimony  

Here's a recap of Harmon's testimony:
-- On February 12, 2001, Schultz inquired about the 1998 case (via an e-mail that has not been released publicly).
-- Harmon responds via e-mail that the police report is in the imaged files  (Freeh Report, Exhibit 5D).
-- Harmon also testifed that he knew the file Schultz was asking about was in reference to the Sandusky 1998 child abuse investigation.
-- Harmon testified that he didn't ask why Schultz was inquiring about the file.
-- Harmon testified that he didn't recall Schultz asking for the file and he didn't recall providing it to him.
-- Harmon later testified that if Schultz would have asked him for it, he would have remembered that fact.
-- Harmon testified that Schultz didn't say there was another Sandusky incident in 2001, otherwise Harmon said he would have opened an investigation.

However, the prosecutor never asked if Harmon, himself, had retrieved the file or bothered to look at it.

Nor did they ask him if he ever discussed the contents of the 1998 police report with Schultz.  To be fair, the defense team didn't ask those questions either.

They are interesting questions because Schultz's handwritten note from his personal file says: "reviewed 1998 history."

How did Schultz do it?

Schultz's Review of the 1998 Incident

Schultz could have gotten the 1998 police report from someone else in the University Park police department.  That's possible, but not likely, considering that if someone else provided the file, they'd have been identified as a witness in the case to lock down the pejury charge.  Schultz was charged with perjury because he claimed he was not aware of the 1998 police report.  The charge was made in March 2012 - before Schultz and Belcher turned over the file formerly known as the "secret file."   Therefore, that charge was likely made based on the e-mail evidence, which was turned over in March 2011 according to OAG forensics expert Braden Cook.  The e-mail Exhibit reveals Harmon informed him of the existence of the police report.  Barring the possibility that the OAG already possessed the "secret file," the e-mail is the only evidence of Schultz's knowledge of the 1998 police report that could have substantiated the perjury charge.

Schultz also could have reviewed the 1998 history from his review of the contents of the "secret file."  The file contained at least five pages of hand written notes on the 1998 case, including  Freeh Report Exhibits 2H (2 pages), 2I (2 pages), and one page that contained five bullet points on the investigation.   In addition, Schultz also could have accessed his e-mails from 1998 rather easily.  If the e-mails and notes were the 1998 history reviewed by Schultz, then it would mean he testified truthfully about his lack of knowledge of the 1998 police report.  This scenario is highly probable, given that the Sandusky file was in a drawer in his office and the e-mails were accessible (the system turnover occurred in 2004).

A third alternative was that Harmon pulled the file and provided the information to Schultz verbally.  I find that this is a highly probable scenario, given the evasiveness of the prosecutions questioning, the evidentiary omissions, and behaviors typical of a police officer.

So, let's play this out for a moment in this hypothetical conversation.....

Schultz:  Tom, do we have a record of the 1998 investigation of Sandusky?
Harmon: "Regarding the incident in 1998 involving the former coach, I checked and the incident is documented in our imaged archives." (Actual Reponse)
Schultz:  Thanks, Tom, I just felt like checking on that today - kind of hit me out of the blue.
Harmon: Anytime, Gary.



Rather implausible, wouldn't you say?

Harmon testified that Schultz rarely involved himself in police investigations and could not recall Schultz asking to review other police files.   Schultz also testified that he didn't customarily review police reports.  So, this was not a routine question by Schultz and it was something that Harmon recalled from memory.  Harmon then testified that to his recollection, Schultz did not ask for the file nor did he provide it to Schultz, and that he (Harmon) wasn't curious about why Schultz asked about it.

But what is the reality here? 

Harmon's Inconsistent Behaviors 

The reality is that any policeman worth his or her salt would at least ask the reason for the inquiry -- and suspect something was going on with Sandusky again, given Harmon's knowledge of the 1998 case.   It is also highly likely that Harmon, who checked the imaged archives for the existence of the file and would have retrieved it, considering that his boss was asking about it.

The other curious (or should I say, false) statement by Harmon is his contention that if Schultz told him Sandusky had showered with a child that it would have caused him to immediately open up an investigation.  That statement is incongruent with his behavior in 1998, when a mother came to his police force with an allegation of a sexual assault against Sandusky. Given that Schreffler had opened up an investigation (which Harmon probably would have squelched), Harmon's alternative was to label the file as "administrative information."   It's also notable that Harmon thought it important to notify Schultz about Chambers' psychologist's report generating an incident number with DPW.   However it is unlikely that Harmon chose to label the file as "administrative information" to avoid the media finding out - rather, he did it to likely protect his fellow church goer and former neighbor, Jerry Sandusky, from public scrutiny. 

Harmon's alleged rationale of PSU avoiding bad publicity (not so ironically, the Commonwealth's story of PSU's motive in this case) is also incongruent with his behavior as the Chief of the University Park police, when his police force was arresting PSU football players one after the next from 2000 up until and after the time he retired in 2005.   It's quite an impressive record of arrests - 60 over 8 years (according to a June 11, 2008 blogpost on BlackShoeDiaries) and many of those, including the high profile Maurice Humphrey case, occurred on Harmon's watch.

The evidence indicates that Tom Harmon and the University Park police didn't give a whit about bad publicity for PSU or the football program.

The AG's rationale of a cover-up to avoid bad publicity never made sense.  Now it makes even less sense when you know the history of Tom Harmon's policing activities.


Detailed Timeline Highlights Facts About 1998, Second Mile

A detailed analysis of the 2001 timeline indicates that Schultz did not remember the 1998 report until after talking with Spanier on the afternoon of February 12, 2001 -- and likely after speaking with Harmon about the 1998 and 2001 cases.  Given all of the above, it is likely that Harmon was the person who jogged Schultz's memory about the 1998 case and who was asked by Schultz to report the incident to CYS.


The 2001 Detailed Timeline 

Bold italics indicate suspected activity
 Times in italics are approximate

2/9      McQueary witnessed incident in Lasch. Tells his father & Dr. Dranov - and possibly his girlfriend.
2/10    9:00 AM McQueary told Paterno about the incident. (AM)
2/11    9:00 AM Paterno informs Curley and Schultz of incident (AM)
2/11    Schultz consults with Wendell Courtney.  Courtney later claimed no knowledge of 1998 incident.

2/12    Schultz phones Harmon and instructs him to contact CYS regarding 2001 incident.
2/12    2:30PM Schultz and Curley meet with Spanier.  Spanier was not told about 1998 incident. 
2/12    Schultz e-mails Harmon regarding the 1998 case. (Not admitted as evidence)
2/12    4:57PM Harmon replies that the 1998 police file is in the imaged archive.  
2/12    Schultz discusses 1998 incident with Harmon.  
2/12    Schultz writes note outlining the following:  
           Met with TMC. Reviewed 1998 history. TMC to meet w/JS on Friday. Option to call DPW.
2/13
2/14
2/15
2/16    Postponed TMC meeting with Sandusky.
2/17
2/18
2/19    Schultz and Curley meet with Mike McQueary
2/20
2/21
2/22    Schultz e-mail to arrange meeting with Curely and Spanier. (Not admitted as evidence.)
2/23    Spanier sends e-mail to confirm meeting.  (Not admitted as evidence in preliminary hearing.)
2/24
2/25    Handwritten note from Schultz outlining next steps.  
2/25    Spanier meets with Curley at his residence to discuss next steps.
2/26    1:57PM Schultz e-mails Curley 
           1. Talk to subject ASAP about not using facilities with TSM.  2. Contact TSM.  3. Contact DPW.
2/27    8:10PM Curley e-mails to pitch revised plan.  10:18PM  Spanier confirms plan. 
2/28    2:13PM Schultz confirms plan.

The (Possible) Schultz/Harmon Discussion

The not so "secret file" states that Schultz "reviewed 1998 history."  I suspect that the review by Schultz included his files on the 1998 report, e-mails, and a discussion of the 1998 case (police report) with Harmon.  

One of the more interesting facts in the e-mail evidence is a passage on the e-mail (Exhibit 2C) of June 8, 1998 from Schultz to Harmon, which states:  "I recall the last time we talked you indicated that there was some aspects of this that you felt you should review with me when we had a chance to talk."

The history of the 1998 case shows that CYS punted the case to DPW after the first day of the investigation, after "realizing" they had a conflict of interest with The Second Mile.  CYS also arranged to bring in John Seasock to perform the evaluation of Victim 6.  The police report demonstrates that Detective Schreffler was critical of Seasock's interview and questioned him about his knowledge of the case.   (Note: The file also appears to have alterations on the page regarding the fateful psych interview conducted by Seasock.) 

At the July 2013 preliminary hearing, Harmon revealed that on May 27, 1998, CYS called the University Park police to request that Schreffler not interview Sandusky without DPW's Lauro being present.  

Given the above, Schultz may have gotten the impression that CYS was not operating on the up-and-up when dealing with Sandusky and that DPW may need to be called in "as an independent  agency concerned w child welfare."  Why would Schultz call out DPW's independence in the matter if it wasn't for the fact he had reservations about CYS? 

Critical Point On Timeline:  Wendell Courtney Consultation

Wendell Courtney's legal review of the incident is the critical point on the timeline that makes the scenario of Harmon as the designated reporter very likely.  While we don't know how he advised Schultz, we do know that the law on child abuse reporting requires a report to be made within 48 hours.

A fair reading of the 2001 law would have provided PSU with two options that would have required them to "make or cause a report to be made" of the incident.  The first option would be directly reporting the incident to child protection authorities and the second would be to inform The Second Mile (Sandusky's charity) with the expectation that they would file the report. 

Schultz's note makes clear that contacting The Second Mile was not the option selected.

If Courtney determined that the "time clock" started upon McQueary's report to Paterno on 9:00 AM Saturday, February 10th, the deadline for making a report would have been Monday, February 12th at 900 AM.  Thus the hypothetical of Schultz directing Harmon to report to CYS on Monday morning would fit the timeline for making the report in the legally required time.  It is also entirely logical that Harmon, as the Chief of Police, would be the individual Schultz would direct to initiate a report.

The option of reporting the incident to The Second Mile didn't arise until February 26th, according to available evidence. It is then logical to conclude, based on the available evidence, that Courtney advised that PSU contact CYS.  The contact of DPW referenced on Schultz note was outside the legal time limitthus was likely a back-up plan (as I alluded to earlier).

Follow up discussions focused on Sandusky's behavior
Note that while there was a legal requirement to report Sandusky (which appears to have been resolved by Monday, February 12th)  PSU officials still had to resolve the issue of Sandusky' inappropriate behavior as an emeritus employee.  It was clear that Schultz and Curley needed to gather facts from McQueary to know what exactly was observed, assess the situation, and determine further actions.

The evidence in the case indicates that Schultz had a greater sense of urgency about resolving the matter than did Curley, considering his actions to consult Courtney about the incident, his contacts with Harmon, and his management of the situation involving his administrative assistant, Joan Coble.

The 25 February e-mail from Schultz to Curley likely originated because of Coble's  "tickler" file.  As Coble testified, she put pending actions in the file and reminded Schultz about them at various intervals.  The March 7, 2001 e-mail from Coble to Curley would be indicative of her use of the "tickler file" to ensure that Curley closed the loop with Schultz on the matter.

Based on this information, Freeh's conclusion that Curley met with The Second Mile on March 19th would be contradicted by not only the March 7th e-mail, but by Spanier's statement (Exhibit 2J) that Curley had met with Sandusky and The Second Mile within days of their February 26th meeting.

Schultz and Courtney Recall PSU Contacted CYS

At the December 16, 2011 Preliminary Perjury Hearing, Gary Schultz made at least six references (starting on page 227) in which he recalled or referenced a report and/or investigation of the 2001 incident by the "the agency" or "the child protection agency" that handled the 1998 investigation.  At one point during the questioning, prosecutor Frank Fina lied to Schultz, telling him that the police handled the investigation in its entirety (page 228).  Here is the transcript from which it is clear that Schultz believed the incident was turned over to the "child protection agency" and that Frank Fina lied.


Wendell Courtney also recalled that Penn State had contacted CYS in 2001.  Page 84 of the Freeh Report states:  "..However, I recall that someone (I don't think it was me, since if it was I would have written documentation of the contact) contacted Children and Youth Services to advise of the situation so that they could do whatever they thought was appropriate under the circumstances, while being apprised what PSU's actions were, i.e., advising JS to no longer bring kids to PSU's football locker rooms."

The AG's press release of the Sandusky indictment and grand jury presentment, incorrectly stated that Courtney represented both The Second Mile and Penn State in 1998 and was apprised of the details of that case.  Courtney corrected the record, stating he had no knowledge of the 1998 incident, a report of a rape in 2002, and did not represent TSM as it's counsel until 2009.

The AG's (Nils Frederikson) response to Courtney's corrections (incredibly) was: "If he wants to engage in semantics, so be it."

TSM confirmed that Courtney was not hired as their legal counsel until 2009.  

In summary, two PSU officials recall a report was made to CYS in 2001.  It would be fantastic if PSU could produce a record of this contact and end this entire mess.

Unfortunately, it appears that Chief Harmon, who didn't want to have a crime log report on Sandusky in 1998, would have been the guy to make such documentation of a report to CYS.

It's likely we now know why PSU doesn't have a record of the 2001 report anywhere in its files. 

What Would Other Missing "Evidence" and Testimony Prove?

Missing E-Mail Evidence
Why has the Schultz e-mail "request" for the 1998 case information never been released or viewed as evidence?  What language does it contain that is so damaging to the state's case that neither the prosecution will introduce it as evidence at proceedings or that Louis Freeh would exclude it from his report?

Did it contain instructions for Harmon to open an investigation or contact child welfare?  Did it mention the 2001 incident?

Inquiring minds want to know.

Another piece of evidence that should be bolstering the Commonwealth's case (of a failure to report by PSU) is the testimony of a case worker or similar individual from CYS.  

But we haven't heard from those people either.

Carol Smith/CYS
The Commonwealth has relied on Agent Anthony Sassano to testify on CYS's behalf in this matter.  Sassano stated he contacted Carol Smith, the Director at Centre County CYS, who informed him that she did not recall any report nor have knowledge of a report in 2002 (sic).   Sassano stated that Smith recalled the 1998 case, but none after that.   

Of course, Carol Smith has quite an incentive to lie, as does anyone else working at CYS who may have decided not to investigate the case.  I suspect that's why she nor anyone else at CYS has been called to testify in this matter.  

There is little doubt that someone at CYS knows about PSU's 2001 report, but hasn't the courage to step forward and tell the truth.

Jerry Lauro/DPW
Similarly, the Commonwealth has not asked DPW program representative, Jerry Lauro, or anyone else to take the stand to testify to the lack of receipt of a report.  I can understand the Commonwealth's reluctance to call Lauro, considering he made statements to the press about never seeing either psychology report in 1998, yet was responsible for arranging one of the interviews.  He's not a credible witness.

Agent Anthony Sassano
 Interestingly enough, Sassano actually let slip (on page 170) that DPW had records of the report (see below)




At the July 30, 2013, Preliminary Perjury Hearing, Sassano was cross-examined about whether he rechecked for the existence of records regarding the 2001 incident.  Originally, Sassano and everyone else (except Sandusky) believed the crime occurred in 2002.   Sassano answered that he checked with CYS, but not DPW. Then he incorrectly stated that he did call DPW and they had no report (page 26).  Therefore, Sassano has yet to close the door on the issue of the 2001 report still floating around at DPW.

Sassano then made the case that the absence of a police report at the time of the 2001 incident was proof of a failure to report because investigations are always conducted jointly between police and child care caseworkers.  Sassano then stated he checked with the University Park police department and they had no report of an investigation in 2001.

And why would they?  

The person who would have opened up that investigation (and report) was none other than Tom Harmon.

Friday, August 9

Were politics the deciding factor in the Sandusky arrest?

The timeline of the victim's grand jury appearances shows that the investigation didn't take off until after the Corbett-Spanier budget battle of March 2011.

By
Ray Blehar

Up until June 2011, the Commonwealth had very little reliable testimony to charge Sandusky.  The timeline below shows the number of counts obtained through the grand jury process.  The timeline also blows a major hole in the reports that adding additional police and investigators in January 2011 made any difference in bringing charges.



It is evident that the counts didn't start to build until after April 2011, however, the witness testimony up to, and even beyond, that point was not exactly reliable.  Details follow.

Aaron Fisher first testified before the grand jury in June 2009, however Fisher was barely able to answer questions (according to the book, Silent No More) and was not convincing.  According to Mike Gillum, Fisher's psychologist, the OAG informed him around the time of Fisher's testimony that the state had learned of an incident involving Sandusky in 1998.   However, the state would not act on that lead until January 2011.

Fisher testified again in November 2009 and again was unconvincing.  Nevertheless, the state had approximately six counts but no other victims to corroborate Fisher's story --  the case was going nowhere.

2010 Governor's Election Fall Out

In October 2010, then GOP gubernatorial candidate Corbett saw Spanier socializing with his Democrat opponent, Dan Oronato in the President's suite at a home football game.  Corbett was infuriated and vowed that he would fire Spanier if elected governor.  Corbett would later defeat Oronato and become governor.

After his election, it's likely that Corbett set the wheels into motion to remove Spanier.  Although there is "folklore" about an anonymous e-mail tip leading the investigators to MIke McQueary, this e-mail has never been admitted as evidence in a court case nor has its contents ever been revealed.   It is more likely that the OAG had learned about the McQueary incident much earlier and sat on the information -- much like they did with the information about 1998 PSU shower incident.

Police contacted Mike McQueary in November 2010 and he testified before the grand jury in December 2010.  McQueary testified to a rather uncertain account of witnessing Sandusky in the shower with a minor youth around Spring Break 2002.  After McQueary's testimony (in March 2011) police asked Aaron Fisher if he was the youth in the shower and Fisher denied ever showering with Sandusky.  Police had no leads on a possible victim thus could not make a case with the combined testimony of Fisher and McQueary, however, the total counts reached 11.

Around the same time as McQueary was interviewed, the police and investigators met with the mother of Victim 6.  Between she and her daughter, they identified several other potential victims (3, 4, 5, and 7) using the book Touched.   During her interview with Corporal Leiter, the mother was told that the police had 400 counts on Sandusky, but the AG wanted to prosecute only 40.  The police also told the mother that her son's abuse (showering with Sandusky) did not fit the pattern they had for other victims and they may not prosecute his case. The mother remarked, "this whole thing stinks so much more than we all know."

In January, police (finally) obtained the 1998 University Park police report of and  interviewed Victim 6, who was the subject of a previous abuse investigation conducted by the Department of Public Welfare/Centre County Children and Youth Services, the Centre County District Attorney's Office, and the University Park police.  Based on the trial verdicts, Victim 6 did not allege any inappropriate touching by Sandusky, thus his interview did not bolster the case.  A similar result was obtained from the initial interview of Victim 7 in February.

It was now March of 2011 and the police still didn't have enough to charge.  But the case took a major turn that month.

Abraham Lincoln Is Weeping


On March 8, 2011 Governor Corbett released the budget which cut PSU’s budget allotment by
nearly 52%, or $182 million. The next day Spanier held a press conference in which he said
“Abraham Lincoln is weeping,” which was a reference to Lincoln’s signing of the Morrill Act
which established land grant institutions.

The battle played out over the next few weeks with Spanier and other university presidents testifying in Harrisburg. Later that month, Spanier, who  had been told that the Commonwealth would not need his testimony, was called to an interview at the OAG’s office in State College. Two days later, on March 24, he was subpoenaed to testify before the grand jury. He testified on April 13, 2011.


A Theme Emerges

In April 2011, the police knocked on the door of Victim 4.  Victim 4 didn't let them in the house on that first visit and the police left their card.  Victim 4's father then reached out to lawyer Ben Andreozzi for representation.  Victim 4 and Androezzi met with police for several hours.  It was during a break in the questioning that police left a tape recorder on and were caught discussing the ways in which they might encourage testimony from Victim 4.  Next, the police falsely stated that nine other victims had come forward and had admitted that they had engaged in sexual acts with Sandusky.  At the time, the only victim, on the record, to disclose was Fisher.  Victim 4 then disclosed that he had engaged in sexual acts with Sandusky and that the acts took place in the PSU football facilities and hotels.

Victim 4 testified before the grand jury sometime that April, but given the means by which the testimony was elicited from Victim 4, the Commonwealth could not count on it surviving in court.

Victim 7 also testified on April 11, 2011 (earlier in the month) but did not disclose anything rising to indecent assault, but also mentioned showering.

Fisher was also brought back to testify, but this time he was allowed to read his testimony from a prepared script.  At this point, Fisher became an outlier because, though asked, he denied ever showering with Sandusky.

By the end of April, the counts had reached 22, but the allegations of sexual abuse by Victim 4 were tainted by police investigative procedures, thus the state could not make a case.  However, the pattern of Sandusky using PSU facilities to shower with young men had come to the forefront and became the theme of the investigation.

May 2011 - The janitor testimony

Agent Sassano testified that the police and investigators brainstormed about who else may have seen Sandusky showering with young men and their answer was janitors.

On May 11, 2011, the grand jury subpoenaed the names of all janitors working in the East Area Locker Rooms dating back to 1990.   It was from this list that the Commonwealth found the name of James Calhoun and learned that Calhoun suffered  from Alzheimer's.

According to OAG Agent Anthony Sassano, janitor Ronald Petrosky phoned him in March to report an incident from 2000.  Petrosky testified (at trial) he called Sassano after reading the story about the graduate assistant in a March Centre Daily Times article.  Interestingly, the CDT didn't run the grand jury article in March.  Instead, it linked to the Patriot News article, which went to press on March 31st, 2011.  However, the "grad assistant" information did not surface until the grand jury presentment in November 2011.

Much like the cases with the mother of Victim 6 and Victim 4, it is likely that the police and investigators were informing the janitors about a laundry list of  Sandusky's devious behavior with the hope of eliciting testimony.   Why wouldn't these two upstanding citizens want to step up and put a bad guy like Sandusky away?  Particularly if they had seen him showering with kids....all they needed to say is they saw something more.

However in the janitors' cases, they didn't have to admit to seeing anything.  All they had to do was testify that someone else (Calhoun) saw something and there was no way to disprove the story because Calhoun suffered from dementia and could not testify.

According to the grand jury presentment, Petrosky stated went to clean the showers in the Assistant Coach's Locker Room, where he saw the legs of Sandusky and a boy in the showers.  The upper bodies were not visible.  Petrosky waited for Sandusky and the boy to exit the showers and began cleaning.  Shortly thereafter,  he was approached by elderly janitor James Calhoun.  Calhoun was trembling and shaking because he had just seen a man (Sandusky) performing oral sex on a young boy.   A second janitor, Jay Witherite, also testified  (at the grand jury) the Calhoun was shaken from witnessing the incident.

The counts had now reached 27, but the state still lacked a solid case, since the latest incident was completely based on hearsay that stood the chance of not being admitted.  But the crime fit the pattern.

The Final Victims

In June of 2011, the police brought Victims 5 and 6 to the grand jury.  Both young men stated they had showered one time with Sandusky, with the former stating that Sandusky attempted to molest him and the latter disclosing no indecent touching that he could remember.   The state decided on four counts each and the total reached 35.

Finally, in July 2011, the police contacted Victim 3 and after many interviews, he disclosed that he had showered with Sandusky and that Sandusky had fondled him in the basement bedroom of the residence.  The counts reached the magic number of 40 and the state went forward with the prosecution.

Breaking it down, the investigation went for 17 months stuck on six counts and one victim.  In November 2010 five counts were added bringing the total to 11 and the total stayed there until the middle of April 2011 (or for 4 months).  From mid-April to mid-August (five months) the state added 29 counts -- without any new investigative leads uncovered.  The police and investigators were simply acting on information they had known about since December 2010 (thus adding investigators in January 2011 didn't uncover new information or victims).

Conclusion

Based on the information obtained in the investigation, Sandusky could have been arrested nearly two years earlier than it occurred -- in August 2009.  The timeline shows that politics played a major role in the decision to charge Jerry Sandusky and it appears the ulterior motive was Corbett's vendetta against Spanier.